Interpretative Spaces
How Common Interpretative Spaces constitute Virtual
Organizations and Communities
Contents
Questions
Introduction
For communication we are using alphabets, language,
symbols, gestures, words, utterances, intonation and even highly sublime
effects ("I felt a certain weakness in his appearance"). All of
them are according to the interpretative paradigm
representations, in the sense of systems of meaning, and have been
acquired in social sitautions, a process that sociology describes as socialization.
These representations, however, are not objective, divine facts, but are
interpreted every time by all interacting partners. The criterion for
successful interaction is therefore a reciprocal, approximatively
identical interpretation by all partners of the interactive process. Only
then are the meanings of representations shared and the interaction can
benefit from mediated or face-to-face communication (Luckmann 1984). Since virtual media and communication technologies have
been starting to transform our society, we witness the evolution of new
forms of social interaction patterns and a shift from place to space.
Virtuality, then, is simply a technological mode of opening new social
spaces and the very moment we will realize how distant the dream of a
colonization and exploration of our galaxy remains, these virtual worlds
might become an almost infinite source of new social spaces, which we can
shape and explore according to our needs and wishes. But already today new
social phenomenons arise, such as virtual communities where »membership
can replace a sense of belonging to a place with a sense of belonging to a
community« (Handy 1995). The concept of common interpretative spaces shall add a
certain social dimension to the discussion of virtual modes of interaction
and I have used the popular metaphor of »space« for that
purpose, a metaphor that is currently also used in related approaches
(Nonaka/Konno 1998, Boisot 1995). The model presented in this paper is
thus an attempt to build new analytical frameworks based on traditional,
approved theories and concepts, which allow us to analyse these new social
phenomenons. Common interpretative Spaces For the study of social phenomena we need practical
concepts of how interaction between individuals takes place. In the
following a basic model is presented, which is built within the
interpretative paradigm around the core idea of "common
interpretative spaces" (CIS) and draws heavily on theories of Alfred
Schütz, Edmund Husserl, Peter L. Berger, Thomas Luckmann, Erwing
Goffman and Stuart Hall. Although I concentrate on the discourse around
virtual communities and virtual modes of organizing, the presented model
can easily be applied to other social phenomena as well. Namely in the
field of knowledge management, where information processing and sharing of
knowledge are dependent on a well-established CIS, such a transfer is
indicated (Diemers 1999).
Figure 1: A spatial model of face-to-face communication between two
individuals In figure 1 a basic model of face-to-face
communication between two individuals is visualized. Geometrical shapes
are representing different spaces, namely geographic space,
phenomenological space, common interpretative space, cognitive space and
space of social representations. In the following these different spaces
will be outlined in brief and a special focus will be made on the common
interpretative space. The foundation for all social interaction is geographic
space, which covers our whole »world-in-reach«. Alfred Schütz
and Thomas Luckmann distinguish between a world within actual reach and a
world within potential reach. The world within potential reach is
furthermore differentiated into restorable reach, locations Ive been
to in earlier times, and attainable reach, places of which I have
knowledge about and which I could reach if I wanted to. The concept of
geographic space comprises both my worlds within actual and potential
reach and is the unquestioned, spatial arrangement of my daily life-world
(Schütz/Luckmann 1974; 1983).
Phenomenological space is a part of geographic space and
corresponds to Schütz conception of »world within actual
reach«. Phenomenological space is the immediate world »in sight«
that arranges itself spatially and temporally around the individual as its
center. External objects in phenomenological space appear to us as
phenomena, either through actual perception, attentive advertence or
subsidiary awareness, and those perceived phenomena are structured and
identified according to our individual set of typifications and
meaning-structures, which reside in our cognitive space. Without this
unnoticed dialectic between phenomenological space and cognitive space the
world around us would appear as a blurred, unstructured sensory
stimulation devoid any meaning or sense. Thus, we are permanently
constructing a meaningful picture of the phenomenological space around us,
which in the end constitutes the »paramount reality« of our
perceived, unquestioned daily life-world (James 1890, Schütz/Luckman
1974). The cognitive space is constituted by the
individual stock of knowledge, the system of relevance and the conceptual
map, which links together the different typifications of our language.
When we perceive objectivations, we are matching them with our conceptual
map in order to attribute the appropriate typifications. Meaning, thus, is
never in the perceived object itself, but cognitively constructed by the
perceiving subject (Hall 1997). Schütz describes the acquisition of
knowledge as a sedimentation of current experiences in meaning-structures
according to relevance and typicality. All experiences and all acts, then,
are grounded on relevance structures, which determine »what really
matters to us« (Schütz 1974). These three elements a
biographically sedimented stock of knowledge, relevance structures and the
conceptual map of our typifications combined form our cognitive
space, which is by definition individually unique and determines the way
we construct the world around us. The space of social representations comprises
the social system of representation and makes it possible that two
individuals, who have never met each other before, are nevertheless able
to interact in a social setting and attribute meaning to the utterance of
the other. Hall actually distinguishes, to be precise, two systems of
representation: the first system is a conceptual map of socially relevant
objectivations and their relationship to each other. Within such a map
concepts are organized, clustered, arranged and classified in complex
relations, for example by using the principle of similarity or difference.
The second system of representation consists of culturally specific signs
language, symbols, pictures, body-language...etc. that allow
us to articulate and share our conceptual maps (Hall 1997). The space of
social representations is created through the process of
institutionalization, when social practices are habitualized, shared and
legitimated within a community. It is then the process of primary and
secondary socialization which makes us internalize objectivations a
combination of signs and conceptual maps into our individual
cognitive space (Berger/Luckmann 1966). At this point now, following the
interactional model, our two individuals each have a cognitive space,
which was derived from the social space of representations and is
constantly being compared and updated with it, share a geographic space
and currently have their phenomenological spaces in congruency. Finally, the common interpretative space is the
specific set of signs, shared meanings, norms and values of two or more
individuals interacting face-to-face, in »co-presence« with each
other. It will be created initially based on individual cognitive spaces,
but undergoes a transformation during the process of »focused
interaction«. Assuming that both individuals have a similar cultural
background, i.e. their cognitive space has been formed within the same
social space of representations, they will use roughly the same code of
signs to express themselves or, using Goffmans terminology, to play
their roles. If also their meaning-structures do correspond, i.e. they are
both attributing the same meanings to used signs, the interaction will
proceed without problems, until a »situational inadequacy«
occurs and a role is performed other than expected. At this point there
are very probably differences in norms and values relevant to the
interactional modality and these differences have to be resolved by
modifying the common interpretative space accordingly (Goffman 1959;
1969). Assuming that a specific interaction is carried out repeatedly, the
social situation will turn out to be less and less problematic for our two
individuals. The process of institutionalization makes interaction easier
by improving the CIS and maybe our two individuals are learning more about
each other in the course of time, in that they share knowledge about their
system of relevance, their typifications, their values and norms in other
areas and former experiences, which sedimented in their cognitive space.
The historical line of their interaction will also become part of the CIS
and at a certain point socioemotional contents emotions, trust,
friendship, tradition, bonds, ...etc. may become part of the common
interpretative space. Within such developed CIS new signs,
meaning-structures, values and norms may evolve over time, which are then
shared only by the interactional partners of the CIS and constitute »finite
provinces of meaning« (Schütz/Luckmann 1974). The Case of virtual organizations and Communities Having introduced the core concept of CIS within a basic
model for social interaction, let us widen our analysis from the diadic,
two-person case towards more complex cases of interaction within
organization and communities. In the title of this section a certain
difference between organizations and communities is postulated, and these
differences will be elaborated below, even if we have to be aware of the
fact that these two concepts have a lot in common and overlapping,
semantical areas. Within the scope of this article the term organization
is used from a sociological perspective as »socially constructed
forms of cooperation«, which are built actively in order to achieve a
specific set of goals. Every organization is built on certain norms and
values and has a distinct structure, which coordinates and redirects the
activities of organizational members and available resources towards
lasting organizational functionality, in the sense that its goals are
permanently attained (see March/Simon 1958, Pugh/Hickson 1976). To put it
more simply, we can say that spontaneous modes of organization evolve,
whenever one person alone is not able to solve a specific problem, and
that such social forms of cooperation assuming that they have
proven to be adequate problem-solvers can become
institutionalized through repeated social practice. Berger and Luckmann
identify the process of increased institutionalization and highly
differentiated and specialized organizations as a main feature of modern
societies (Berger/Luckmann 1966). Newer social theories on organizations
are stressing the fact that an organizations existence is constantly
in danger, as there is a limited interdependence between the members of
the organization, limited rationality and thus predictability
of the organizational members behaviour and a limited legitimation
of the goals of the organization (Friedberg 1992). This aspect of both
formal and informal dimensions of organizational structures has received
increasing popularity in the last decades (Morgan 1986), and this shift
from a functional, instrumental view to the manifold, pluralistic facets
of organizations and its culture brought current approaches in closer
contact with theories and research on communities and revealed the
importance of social interaction and commonly established interpretative
spaces for the study and discussion of organizations. In the last years this development has taken a second,
even more dramatic turn: the coming of a new type of organization (Drucker
1988). New media and communication technologies have led to a significant
change of the way we interact and the way we work together, therefore it
is essential not to constrain this phenomenon to its technical side, but
to consider virtualization as a major social process (Diemers 1997;
1998a). Thus, virtualization has a significant impact on social
interaction and relationships within organizational boundaries in a
business context (Brosziewski 1998), and we can increasingly observe the
reconceptualization and modification of organizational roles and norms
(Cash 1991). These developments have finally led to new forms of
organization, which have been ascribed accordingly to the term of virtual
organizations (Nohria/Berkley 1994, Davidow/Malone 1992). The main feature
of these new, virtual modes of organizing is the fact that mediated,
virtual forms of communication and interaction for example
groupware, electronic mail, videoconferences, internet applications...etc.
play a central role within the organization and substitute direct,
face-to-face communication to a large extent, while its structure reflects
this constitutive quality of organizational relationships and resembles to
a virtual, heterarchical network. These structural differences are
important, when it comes to discern virtual organizations from virtualized
organizations, the latter of which comprises traditional organizations,
which use new media and communication technology as a means to an end, but
nevertheless retain strict hierarchies, geographically confined spaces and
a significant amount of face-to-face contact among its organizational
members (Diemers 1998b). We now have to ask the main question of what role and
importance do common interpretative spaces have for virtual organizations.
According to our conception of common interpretative spaces, communication
in virtual organizations can basically take two idealtypical forms, either
the form of indirect, mediated communication, or the mode of direct,
face-to-face communication, which Schütz described as the »immediate
experience of the other in my everyday life-world« (Schütz
1974). As introduced in the basic interactional model above, the CIS is
usually established in such face-to-face situations. If, however, we
assume that mediated forms of communication prevail within organizational
networks of relationships, the basic question is, whether common
interpretative spaces can fold up with the same quality and richness, or
whether specific, CIS-related problems may arise in virtual organizations.
According to Weick one very important function of organizational
communication is the making of sense in organizations, an issue that is
increasingly important in virtual modes of organizing. Members have to be
permanently supplied with emotionally rich components such as
values, norms, visions and legitimations from their organization
and have to be constantly reassured that they are "doing the right
thing" and that their choice of membership was right (Weick 1996).
The organizational goals have to be ranked above individual goals, which
are often standing in conflict with them. We should finally consider the
fact that emotional bonds, friendships or social networks an
organizational phenomenon that is best described with the German "Seilschaften",
i.e. the metaphor of mountaineering roped parties, who help and depend on
each other while walking to the top are keeping organizations alive
and functional. How can these emotional bonds and networks evolve in
virtual organizations? In this context a well-established CIS has the
primary role of assuring the survival and efficiency of virtual
organizations. Charles Handy identifies accordingly trust, a sense of
mutuality and reciprocal loyalty as inevitable requirements for virtual
organizations. Given the potentially harmful consequences of poorly
working CIS, he proposes the »concept of community membership«,
which abandons the traditional notion of organizations as means to an end,
where members work in exchange for some sort of payment, and calls for a
transformation of organizational structures into communities, where
individual efforts and commitment are rewarded with a sense of belonging,
mutual trust and identity (Handy 1995). Given this interesting turn, which
is induced by new media and communication technologies, the two concepts
of organization and community are no longer opposed to each other and may
enter combined discourses. Thus, let us focus now on virtual communities and widen
the spectrum of our analysis. The sociological notion of community usually
opens large patterns of diffuse associations, which might include social
networks, security, social order, family, neighbourhood, clans, emotional
bonds, identity and several more. This wide semantic scope combined with a
certain historical and normative burden, which dates back to early
sociological uses of the concept of community, for example by Tönnies,
who opposed the idealistic model of community to a rather pessimistic
picture of modern society (Tönnies 1963). With the increasing
virtualization of society, however, the term of community has received new
popularity, but most authors are not dwelling too much on the different
associations and interpretative patterns, which go along the use of
community as an open label for different kinds of social phenomenons. One
exception here is Komito, who delivers a distinct analysis of the
different facets of communities in the context of virtual modes of social
interaction. The basic distinction is made between »proximate
communities«, where a CIS is constructed on the grounds of physical
proximity and involuntary membership, »moral communities«, where
a shared CIS is based on moral bonds, communal solidarity and a sense of
common purpose and commitment, and »normative communities«, such
as communities of practice or communities of interest, which are not
restricted to geographical places and share common values and norms
(Komito 1998). An interesting point is the fact that all three types of
community can be found in virtual communities, which sometimes started as
normative communities, later developed into moral communities and even
social phenomenons of proximate communities appeared. Rheingold uses in
this context the expression of »grassroots groupminds« to
describe virtual communities, which grew steadily around many virtual
fireplaces in the form of Usenet discussion groups or bulletin board
systems, where likely-minded people came together and evolved into moral
communities with high levels of mutual support and solidarity (Rheingold
1995). Mosco, on the contrary, rates the discourse of caring, virtual
communities as a myth, which is used as a legitimizing argument within the
current discourse around cyberspace and virtual worlds. With a glance at a
long sociological tradition of community research he reminds us that
communities are not just about romantic neighbourhoods and caring for each
other, but also about strong social conventions and processes of exclusion
and inclusion, which can eventually lead to social minorities and
stigmatization (Mosco 1998). The most important point, however, within the scope of
this article is the fact that virtual networks can be media platforms,
where common interpretative spaces of social networks constitute social
spaces (Harasim 1993). A virtual community, thus, establishes a CIS
through mediated forms of communication and current research on virtual
communities some of which will be presented in the next chapter
supports the view that these communities show very similar patterns of
interaction and share many qualities of non-virtual communities. Some
virtual communities do arrange face-to-face meetings of its members, but
there are many other examples of communities where such »real-world
grounding« has never taken place. If these ungrounded virtual
communities and here we are rejoining our argumentation line of
virtual organizations succeed in establishing a CIS of such a
quality that typical community functions are satisfactorily performed,
this result would be applicable to virtual organizations, which could then
be set up within a community-oriented framework. Empirical argumentation So far we have outlined a basic model of social
interaction, both in a virtual and non-virtual setting, and the concept of
common interpretative spaces has been discussed in the context of virtual
organizations and communities. The discussion until now boils down to the
main question of what role does face time play in virtual modes of
organization and community, or, to put the question a bit differently, is
it possible to establish a functional CIS for successful interaction
solely on virtual media platforms? At the current state of research
and, not to forget, degree of social virtualization this main
question cant be answered with a simple yes or no. But we can lay
different strands of research on the scales in order to gain a better
argumentative stance in the ongoing discussion. Furthermore, we can then
investigate differences between the establishment, functionality and
upholding of CIS in virtual and non-virtual environments. For that purpose
we can look at both virtual communities and virtual modes of working in
business contexts, which range from virtual technologies as a supporting
tool in daily work to complex forms of virtual organizations and
telecommuting, where new media and communication technologies play a
constitutive role. After a first glance at different publications of
empirical research, it becomes obvious that there are currently two
opposing discourses, which are unfortunately often used as a
scheme of conclusive argumentation. One discourse is about the
opportunities and benefits of virtual modes of working and community
building, where manifold stories are told about, for example, increased
productivity, higher flexibility, competitive advantage, taking the
challenge of globalization, or within the discourse around virtual
communities examples of high levels of solidarity, new forms of
friendship, love, self-esteem and identity. This discourse could be called
a general »cyberphil« discourse and within those research
findings the issue of poorly established CIS is seldom raised. The other
discourse let us call it accordingly the »cyberphobic«
discourse is about problems, conflicts and unresolved issues within
virtual modes of socializing and cooperation. Here we find a heterogeneous
discourse, which is focusing more on deficits of virtual media and
communication technologies and could be imputed to the argument that
virtual forms of interaction are inferior to face-to-face communication
and the CIS is poorly established. Which discourse is now right? I think
and here Im drawing on the »multiple perspectives«
approach of relational constructivism (Morgan 1983; 1990, Dachler 1997)
it is the question, which is wrong. Both discourses are focusing on the
same basic issues and in order to get a more appropriate picture we have
to consider both approaches to be right and take advantage from findings
of both discourses. Interesting areas of research are virtual business
environments and empirical studies on possible social conflicts and
problems, which may arise therein. Studies on the use of electronic mail
in business environments have a quite longstanding tradition and a consent
exists to the extent that computer mediated, asynchronous communication
suffers from the limitational character of e-mail messages. Due to a lack
of transmitted context information, the emotional content of messages is
often misinterpreted or wrong priorities and relevancies are attributed,
which in the end are leading to misunderstandings as a constant,
organizational source of conflict (Stegbauer 1995; 1996, Markus et al.
1992). These findings support the view from earlier social-psychological
research on computer-mediated communication, which emphasizes its
inferiority to face-to-face communication due to fewer channels, less
context and many resulting misunderstandings, which makes the building of
trustful relationships and communities with a sound common interpretative
space difficult (Kiesler et al. 1984). The same issue is tackled by a
recent empirical study from the University of Texas on trust in virtual
teams, which revealed that the conventional patterns of trust evolution in
face-to-face interactions cannot be applied to virtual modes of
organizing. Instead of trust to evolve slowly and gradually over stages
through repeated interaction and institutionalization of relationships,
trust in virtual teams tends to be established or not right
at the outset, which gives the first, initial contact of virtual team
members a crucial role (Coutu 1998). Other, related forms of mediated
interaction are virtual conferences, which have already gained a certain
popularity in the academic world. Brill and de Vries analyze
retrospectively their own virtual conference on "virtual economies"
and come to the conclusion that in spite of certain problems, which
originated mainly in technical problems and a certain "lack of
routine" of conference participants and organizers, the result was in
the whole very promising and no serious deficits in terms of common
interpretative spaces could be attested (Brill/de Vries 1997; 1998). An
equally positive image is presented by studies on virtual organizations in
general (Charam 1991), or as a good example of the large benefits
generated by virtual modes of organizing studies on networks of
learning in the field of biotechnology (Powell et al 1996). Werner Voss conducted a quantitative empirical study on
telework and enriched his results with various other empirical research
results in the field of virtualized modes of working together in a
business environment. His findings give a generally positive picture and
all serious problems of telecommuting are related to poorly established
CIS or general problems in the social dimension (Voss 1998). From his
research, however, it becomes also clear that the field of study of
teleworking is a rather immature one, where the general research agenda
has to be enlarged both in scale and scope (see for a proposal
Handy/Mokhtarian 1996). At the same time an increased focus should be made
on social aspects and implications of telecommuting models, touching
questions such as new roles of management (Bleicher 1997), the management
of human resources in virtual organizations (Vogt-Baatiche 1998, Hilb
1997), or the relationship between telework and virtual modes of
organizing (Jackson/Wielen 1996). If we confine ourselves to empirical studies on the
genesis, structure and function of common interpretative spaces, another,
very rich field of research is presented by ethnographic studies within
interpretative sociology. For ethnography the analytical focus is always
centered on the ways and means how local cultures are creating their own
reality construction, their own common interpretative spaces through
interaction and the use of native terms. A very interesting, if not to say
exemplary, ethnographic case is presented by Brügger, who conducted a
qualitative empirical study on the institutionalized interaction patterns
of foreign exchange brokers. In the figure below an example of an actually
happened, complete deal is presented. Broker Patrick sells 10 million DEM
to a bank in Singapore in exchange for USD. The whole conversation lasted
10 seconds and consisted of a request »10 DM«, Patricks
offer »73 78« and the making of the deal with the acceptance »MINE«,
which had to given within a couple of seconds in order for the deal to be
successfully accomplished. All other quoted information in the example was
generated automatically by the computer system (Brügger 1999).
Figure 2: Example of a conversation between two foreign exchange brokers
(source: Brügger 1999) The case is a very good example of a highly
standardized, virtual environment, where participants have developed a
common interpretative space with shared rules, meanings and signs, which
bonds together a global community of foreign exchange brokers, who
themselves are often originating from different cultures and heterogeneous
backgrounds and were nevertheless successfully socialized to become a
native in a global, virtual network of financial intermediation. The CIS
necessary to interact in this context is established during the specific
training and education of foreign exchange brokers. Very strict explicit
codes of conduct are installed officially, but there are also a lot of
commonly shared social conventions that have to be learned by new
participants. Foreign exchange brokers are thus becoming part of two
communities: one is the non-virtual environment of colleagues at their
workplace, the second is the completely virtual network of relationships
around the globe, which forms a distinct virtual community of foreign
exchange brokers. A related field of study is the investigation of
noncommercial virtual communities, where we can also find
institutionalized standards of conduct a popular term for this
social phenomenon is »netiquette« that are part of common
interpretative spaces. These standards of conduct in virtual environments
have to be learned a technical term would be internalized through
secondary socialization (Berger/Luckmann 1966) by community members
and social sanctions apply in cases of non-adherence just like in
non-virtual social settings. At exactly this result arrives an empirical
study of codes of conduct in Usenet discussion groups (McLaughlin et al.
1995), which could be seen as the early forms of virtual communities in
computer networks. On Usenet people with shared interests define their
identity and roles through repeated interaction by posting messages
addressed to everyone or specific prior messages. Over a certain amount of
time roles and identities become socially articulated and specific
patterns of interaction evolve. There are many empirical examples of the
presence and development of moral community features and rich »socioemotional
content« like friendship, love, solidarity and trust
(Rice/Love 1987) in such virtual discussion groups (Rheingold 1993;
1995). Paccagnella, for example, presents a case study of an Italian
discussion group on "cyber_punk" (Paccagnella 1998), Baym
focuses on the "r.a.t.s." Usenet discussion group (Baym 1995),
while Aycock and Buchignani introduce an ethnographic discourse analysis
of communication in Usenet discussion groups on a real-life murder, which
happened at a Canadian campus (Aycock/Buchignani 1995). Another very
interesting phenomenon is the case of "fan-cultures", who by
virtue of their object of worship already share a confined CIS and are
often choosing virtual platforms as a means to uphold and institutionalize
their specific CIS with likely-minded people all over the world. Barth and
vom Lehm have investigated such a virtual community around the science
fiction series of Star Trek and came to the conclusion that the members
managed to build a complex, social space with a fully established CIS
around the topic of Star Trek and showed stunning creativity and
virtuosity in doing so (Bart/Lehn 1996). Even better research fields to study the social
construction of common interpretative spaces are MUD/MOO environments.
While discussion groups are media platforms for asynchronous, interactive
discussion of topics, which are mostly derived from non-virtual contexts,
MUDs create their own contexts and establish a social space in virtual
networks, where we can speak of a creation of own, distinct worlds in
Cyberspace (Reid 1995, Harasim 1993). MUDs allow their participants to
redefine their identity and social role in much more radical terms
Turkle and Bruckman speak accordingly of a »construction and
reconstruction of self« in »identity workshops« (Turkle
1994; 1995, Bruckman 1992; 1993) and the common interpretative
space of such a virtual community has to be created in a completely
virtual environment. Empirical studies of such MUD-based virtual
communities reveal a high complexity of social relations with very high
levels of socioemotional components (Rosenberg 1992, Turkle 1995; 1996).
Aoki studied accordingly virtual communities in Japan and noted that even
if most virtual social spaces started with a dominant, culturally
articulated CIS, a transformation of the common interpretative space can
be observed over time and a hybrid, new culture emerges (Aiko 1994). In
general the whole MUD-related empirical research field is consenting to
the fact that we can hardly find evidence of poorly established and
functioning CIS within MUDs, and this important result in the context of
virtual communities has, as noted above, implications for the discussion
of virtual organizations and whether or not CIS can be established with
little or no face time at all. One methodological caveat remains in the study of
virtual modes of communication, which is unfortunately extending over many
scientific approaches to the topic. Studies in this area seem often to
carry a connotation of authenticity, which is constructed based on the
fact that all communication messages can be logged and thus by
virtue of its reduced channel capacity no signs seem to remain
unnoticed to the eye of the observer. If, however, we remember the
interactional model from the first chapter, this authenticity is
apparently a dangerous illusion, as we still have no information at all on
the interpretative process, which is happening parallel to observable
interaction patterns. Jones phrased the same argument a little
differently: »Although we can freeze electronic discourse
by capturing text and information it may contain, how do we ascertain the
interpretative moment in electronic discourse, particularly as it engages
both reading and writing?« (Jones 1995). This reservation shall not
devalue the research results discussed above, but we have to be aware of
these interpretational processes, which happen outside of any virtual
environment, while drawing conclusions from research on virtual modes of
interaction and community. Last but not least, we should also not forget
that virtual environments are by no means simple, innocuous playgrounds
for new forms of interaction, but carry certain inherent dangers, which we
can poorly identify at the current state of research (Diemers 1997). We
should, thus, continue research on the deeper social and psychological
effects of the use of new media and communication technologies and maybe
also investigate the importance of social networks for successful
diffusion of new communication technologies (Schenk et al. 1997, Rogers
1979). At Carnegie Mellon a large study was conducted on the effects of
intensive internet use for social, face-to-face involvement and
psychological well-being. The results are quite deterrent: greater use of
the internet was associated with declines in participants
communication with family members in the household, declines in the size
of their social circle, and increases in their depression and loneliness
(Kraut et al. 1998). While the first two findings are not all too
alarming, if we assume that face-to-face communication is substituted with
virtual forms of communication and social circles are compensatorily
expanded over virtual communities and worlds, but the last finding on
psychological well-being of the participants in the study calls for
further research in that direction. Final Conclusions This paper focused on common interpretative spaces and
developed a spatial model of interaction in virtual and non-virtual
environments. This model comprises a geographic space, a phenomenological
space, a cognitive space, a space of social representations and a common
interpretative space. The CIS is outlined as a specific set of signs,
shared meanings, norms and values, which are constituted through repeated
interaction in social situations. In a second step, we have outlined the
importance of CIS for virtual organizations and virtual communities. As
organizational structures become increasingly virtualized, the questions
of membership, trust, mutuality and reciprocal loyalty are paramount. One
approach is to transform virtual organizations gradually into on-line
communities, where membership and initiative are rewarded with status and
identity (Handy 1995). Sound common interpretative spaces are, thus, the
foundations on which such a transformation can be achieved. This leads to the general question of whether patterns
of repeated interaction have to take place in a shared phenomenological
space, i.e. with forms of directly experienced, face-to-face
communication, or to what extent the building of common interpretative
spaces can be achieved with mediated forms of communication, e.g. with new
media and communication technologies. To answer that question and support
the argument of CIS as necessary requirements for interaction in virtual
environments, different strands of empirical research have been presented,
but no conclusive, final answer can be identified at the current state of
research. On one hand there is evidence especially from empirical
studies in the field of virtual organizations that virtual modes of
organizing need enough face time to be successful. From the »experimental
social labs« found in MUDs and other forms of virtual communities we
know, however, that social patterns of interaction can be successful with
zero face time and the establishment of CIS is possible under
circumstances of completely virtual environments. Thus, and here I take
the opportunity to formulate a daring hypothesis, if we take into account
the possibilities of transforming virtual organizations into forms of
virtual communities, the actual recesses and critical stances could be
nothing more than a temporary phenomenon occurring during a certain
transition stage, while the coming workforce generations will have no
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statements made in this article are very welcome:
lic. oec. Daniel Diemers CEMS for contact call +41 71 224 28 17 or e-mail to
daniel.diemers@unisg.ch affiliations of the author: University of St. Gallen
(HSG) in Switzerland, Sociological Seminar (SfS-HSG), Institute for Media
and Communication Management (mcm-HSG), Swiss Association for Sociology
(SGS), Swiss Research Committee for Interpretative Sociology, Swiss
Association for Future Research (SFZ).